September 24

Through My Eyes

Saturday September 24

We continue to listen to the Dalai Lama as he tells more of his mother's death.)

" Of course, I was very sad at my mother's death. I had seen less and less of her as the years went by and the pressure of my work and duties. Yet we remained spiritually close, so I experienced a great sense of loss- just as I always do when any old member of my entourage dies. Of course, with time, the older generation is gradually passing away, as it must. More and more I am surrounded by people who are younger than me. In fact, the average age of my administration is under thirty-five. This, I feel, is good in many ways. The challenges presented by the situation in Tibet today requires modern minds. Also, it is hard for people who grew up in the old Tibet to comprehend what is happening there. It is better that those who address these problems should not have to bear the burden of memory. Besides, it is for our children that the struggle to regain Tibet's rightful independence is being waged and it is they who must carry on that fight if they still want to.

At the beginning of April 1982, a three-member team of negotiators from Dharamsala flew to Peking for discussions on the future of Tibet. It was lead by Juchen Thubten Namgyal, then senior member of the Kashag. With him were Phuntsog Tashi Takla, my former Kuson Depon, who was one of the interpreters for Ngabo Ngawang Jigme in 1951, and Lodi Gyaltsen Gyari, Chairman of the Chetui Lhengkhang, the Tibetan People's assembly. Whilst there, they met senior members of the Chinese Government with a view to both sides clarifying their position.

Among the points put forward for discussion by the Tibetans were, firstly, the historical facts concerning our homeland. They reminded the Chinese that, historically speaking, Tibet has always been a separate from China, a fact that was implicitly recognised when Peking imposed the Seventeen-Point 'Agreement'. Secondly, the negotiators put it to the Chinese that, despite the 'progress' in Tibet, loudly publicised with outrageous exaggeration, in reality the Tibetan people were totally dissatisfied. On the basis of these facts, they suggested, it was up to China to find a new approach which acknowledged reality.

One of the negotiators also asked whether Tibetans, in view of their different race, should not have the same rights, if not more, than the Chinese Government had said it was prepared to grant its own people in Taiwan. he was told that these offers were being made to Taiwan because it had not yet been 'liberated'. 'But Tibet is already on the glorious road to Socialism'.

Unfortunately it turned out that, for their part, the Chinese did not have anything of substance to say. They lectured the delegates and accused us of using the evidence of the fact-finding missions to distort the truth. All that they really wanted to discuss was the return of the Dalai Lama. To this end, they produced the following list of five points regarding my future status:

1 The Dalai Lama should be confident that China has entered a new stage of long-term political stability, steady economic growth

and mutual help among all nationalities.

2 The Dalai Lama and his representatives should be frank and sincere with the Central Government, not beat about the bush. There

should be no more quibbling over the events of 1959.

3 The central authorities would sincerely welcome back the Dalai Lama and his followers. This is based on the hope that they will

contribute to upholding China's unity, to promoting solidarity between the Han and Tibetan nationalities and among all nationalities, and to promoting the modernisation programme.

4 The Dalai Lama will enjoy the same political status and living conditions as he had before 1959. It is suggested that he need not go to live in Tibet or hold local posts there. Of course, he may go back to Tibet from time to time. His followers need not worry about their jobs and living conditions. These will only be better than before.

5 When the Dalai Lama wishes to come back, he can issue a brief statement to the press. It is up to him to decide what he would like to say in the statement.

Then, after the delegates had returned to Dharamsala, the Chinese Government published a heavily slanted version of the proceedings, which referred to our viewpoint as being 'splittist', 'reactionary' and 'opposed by the Chinese people and most strenuously by the Tibetans.' "

( More Chinese propaganda. I promise to add more tomorrow...)

*( please click here to read of the day with me )

* This is from the book Freedom in Exile The Autobiography of the Dalai Lama by Tenzin Gyatso, the fourteenth

Dalai Lama of Tibet.

( Please see my spinning for you!)

( Tahshi Deleh gentle one! Kehrahng kusu debo yinpeh? I began the day in our studio spinning for you then worked on the printing block which with we two working as one pulling strongly and patiently together is going quite well! After that I set to work on the sculpture to build the armature higher and raise the piece up. The sculpture is now considerably higher above the base now! I'm going to have to rework the neck and shoulders though as it proved tricky to lift the lower portion without it sagging. This isn't a problem as it would have had to be integrated into the position and movement of the rest of the torso in any case. We'll need to prepare a bunch more clay though! After that I headed up gang rinpoche ngah tso gi to continue bringing food to the trees and native plants which went quite well for the usual reason. After that I rested by your Medlar tree as usual before returning to our studio to work on our a land of Tibet. Two as one we've fixed a few more mistakes on the pages as usual. I'm going to put the pages up on our infosite; I'll put this up for now so we can rest.

And so, as always we'll continue two as one on to tomorrow

my one gentle beautiful patient swift dream bright

long dark mane in sunlight

so for now I bid goodnight...Simjah Nahngo!)


	Through My Eyes Saturday September 24 We continue to listen to the Dalai Lama as he tells more of his mother's death.) " Of course, I was very sad at my mother's death. I had seen less and less of her as the years went by and the pressure of my work and duties. Yet we remained spiritually close, so I experienced a great sense of loss- just as I always do when any old member of my entourage dies. Of course, with time, the older generation is gradually passing away, as it must. More and more I am surrounded by people who are younger than me. In fact, the average age of my administration is under thirty-five. This, I feel, is good in many ways. The challenges presented by the situation in Tibet today requires modern minds. Also, it is hard for people who grew up in the old Tibet to comprehend what is happening there. It is better that those who address these problems should not have to bear the burden of memory. Besides, it is for our children that the struggle to regain Tibet's rightful independence is being waged and it is they who must carry on that fight if they still want to. At the beginning of April 1982, a three-member team of negotiators from Dharamsala flew to Peking for discussions on the future of Tibet. It was lead by Juchen Thubten Namgyal, then senior member of the Kashag. With him were Phuntsog Tashi Takla, my former Kuson Depon, who was one of the interpreters for Ngabo Ngawang Jigme in 1951, and Lodi Gyaltsen Gyari, Chairman of the Chetui Lhengkhang, the Tibetan People's assembly. Whilst there, they met senior members of the Chinese Government with a view to both sides clarifying their position. Among the points put forward for discussion by the Tibetans were, firstly, the historical facts concerning our homeland. They reminded the Chinese that, historically speaking, Tibet has always been a separate from China, a fact that was implicitly recognised when Peking imposed the Seventeen-Point 'Agreement'. Secondly, the negotiators put it to the Chinese that, despite the 'progress' in Tibet, loudly publicised with outrageous exaggeration, in reality the Tibetan people were totally dissatisfied. On the basis of these facts, they suggested, it was up to China to find a new approach which acknowledged reality. One of the negotiators also asked whether Tibetans, in view of their different race, should not have the same rights, if not more, than the Chinese Government had said it was prepared to grant its own people in Taiwan. he was told that these offers were being made to Taiwan because it had not yet been 'liberated'. 'But Tibet is already on the glorious road to Socialism'. Unfortunately it turned out that, for their part, the Chinese did not have anything of substance to say. They lectured the delegates and accused us of using the evidence of the fact-finding missions to distort the truth. All that they really wanted to discuss was the return of the Dalai Lama. To this end, they produced the following list of five points regarding my future status: 1 The Dalai Lama should be confident that China has entered a new stage of long-term political stability, steady economic growth and mutual help among all nationalities. 2 The Dalai Lama and his representatives should be frank and sincere with the Central Government, not beat about the bush. There should be no more quibbling over the events of 1959. 3 The central authorities would sincerely welcome back the Dalai Lama and his followers. This is based on the hope that they will contribute to upholding China's unity, to promoting solidarity between the Han and Tibetan nationalities and among all nationalities, and to promoting the modernisation programme. 4 The Dalai Lama will enjoy the same political status and living conditions as he had before 1959. It is suggested that he need not go to live in Tibet or hold local posts there. Of course, he may go back to Tibet from time to time. His followers need not worry about their jobs and living conditions. These will only be better than before. 5 When the Dalai Lama wishes to come back, he can issue a brief statement to the press. It is up to him to decide what he would like to say in the statement. Then, after the delegates had returned to Dharamsala, the Chinese Government published a heavily slanted version of the proceedings, which referred to our viewpoint as being 'splittist', 'reactionary' and 'opposed by the Chinese people and most strenuously by the Tibetans.' " ( More Chinese propaganda. I promise to add more tomorrow...) ( please click here to read of the day with me ) This is from the book Freedom in Exile The Autobiography of the Dalai Lama by Tenzin Gyatso, the fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet. ( Please see my spinning for you!) ( Tahshi Deleh gentle one! Kehrahng kusu debo yinpeh? I began the day in our studio spinning for you then worked on the printing block which with we two working as one pulling strongly and patiently together is going quite well! After that I set to work on the sculpture to build the armature higher and raise the piece up. The sculpture is now considerably higher above the base now! I'm going to have to rework the neck and shoulders though as it proved tricky to lift the lower portion without it sagging. This isn't a problem as it would have had to be integrated into the position and movement of the rest of the torso in any case. We'll need to prepare a bunch more clay though! After that I headed up gang rinpoche ngah tso gi to continue bringing food to the trees and native plants which went quite well for the usual reason. After that I rested by your Medlar tree as usual before returning to our studio to work on our a land of Tibet. Two as one we've fixed a few more mistakes on the pages as usual. I'm going to put the pages up on our infosite; I'll put this up for now so we can rest. And so, as always we'll continue two as one on to tomorrow my one gentle beautiful patient swift dream bright long dark mane in sunlight so for now I bid goodnight...Simjah Nahngo!)