December 3

Through My Eyes

Saturday December 3

(We continue to listen to the Dalai Lama as he continues telling of the cruel response of the Chinese government.)

" Changing their tactics, the Chinese security forces remained on the sidelines throughout the first day, merely filming scenes which they showed on television that night. Then, on the following days, they reacted with repeated baton charges and indiscriminate shooting. Witnesses reported seeing them firing automatic weapons into Tibetan homes killing whole families.

Unfortunately, Tibetans reacted to this not only by attacking the police and security forces, but also, in a few instances, innocent Chinese civilians. This made me very sad. It makes no sense whatever for Tibetans to resort to violence. If they wanted to, with a thousand million people against our six million, China could forcefully erase the entire Tibetan race from the face of the earth. It would be much more constructive if people tried to understand their supposed enemies. Learning to forgive is much more useful than merely picking up a stone and throwing it at the object of one's anger, the more so when the provocation is extreme. For it is under the greatest adversity that there exists the greatest potential for doing good,both for oneself and others.

Yet in truth, I realise that for most people such words are unrealistic. It is too much to ask. It is not right for me to expect Tibetans, who live their daily lives under such terrible hardship, to be able to love the Chinese. So whilst I will never condone it, I accept that some violence is inevitable.

Actually, I greatly admire and respect the courage of my people. Many of those who joined in the demonstration were women, children and old people: hundreds of men were arrested on the first evening, so it was mostly their families who continued to express their feelings so vividly on the second and third days. Many of them are now probably dead. Even more are still in prison, being tortured and beaten on a daily basis.

Thanks to the presence of a few brave foreigners, some of whom experienced personal harassment, reports of this latest outrage were quickly transmitted to the outside world. As before, there was overwhelming support for the Tibetan people: the United States, France and the European Parliament condemned China's reprisals, which caused the deaths of at least two hundred and fifty unarmed Tibetans, not to mention the wounding of countless others. Many other Governments expressed their 'grave concern', and the subsequent imposition of martial law on 8 march drew widespread criticism.

The idea of China imposing marital law in Lhasa was terrifying, for, in reality, the city had been under military rule ever since 26 October 1951, when the first PLA troops arrived. It looked as if the Chinese must be about to turn the place into a slaughter house, a Himalayan killing fields. Two days later, on the thirtieth anniversary of the Tibetan People's Uprising, I therefore sent an appeal to Deng Xiaoping, asking that he personally to lift martial law and end the repression of innocent Tibetans. He did not reply.

Within only a few weeks of the protests in Lhasa came the uprising in China. I followed events there with a mixture of disbelief and horror, becoming especially anxious when some of the demonstrators began a hunger strike. The students were obviously so bright, so sincere, so innocent, with their whole lives to live. Against them they had a Government that remained totally stubborn and cruel and indifferent. At the same time, I could not help feeling a certain admiration for the Chinese leadership, those decrepit, foolish, old men who clung so fiercely and determinedly to their ideas. In spite of clear evidence that their system was breaking down and that Communism was failing throughout the world, and in spite of a million protestors outside their front door, they held to their faith.

Naturally, I was appalled when the military was finally deployed to break up the demonstration. But considered politically, I feel it denoted no more than a temporary setback for the democracy movement. By resorting to violence, the authorities can only have helped develop a favourable attitude towards the students amongst ordinary Chinese people. In so doing, they shortened by half to two-thirds the life of Communism in China. Also, they showed the world the truth about their methods: scepticism of Tibetans' claims about Chinese human rights' abuse is no longer possible.

On a personal level, I feel somewhat sorry for Deng Xiaopeng. His name is now irreparably damaged, whereas without the massacre in 1989 he would have gone down in history as a great leader of his country. I also feel sympathy for his co-leaders who, in their ignorance,destroyed China's reputation abroad after a decade of assiduous image-building. It seems that, although they failed to propagandise the people, they succeeded only too well with themselves."

( The misuse of power always diminishes those who misuse it. I promise to add more tomorrow...)

*( please click here to read of the day with me )

* This is from the book Freedom in Exile The Autobiography of the Dalai Lama by Tenzin Gyatso, the fourteenth

Dalai Lama of Tibet.

( Please see my spinning for you!)

( Tahshi Deleh gentle one! Kehrahng kusu debo yinpeh? I began the day in our studio spinning for you then headed up gang rinpoche ngah tso gi to check the trees and native plants. After that I rested by your Medlar tree as usual then wandered about taking pictures before heading to our sacred place for awhile. Then I returned to our studio to work for awhile with some more graphics for a Windhorse Project. After that I worked on our a land of Tibet. You'll notice the usual changes on the pages. Two as one we've fixed a few more mistakes.I'm going to put the pages up on our infosite; I'll put this up for now so we can rest.

And so, as always we'll continue two as one on to tomorrow

my one gentle beautiful patient swift dream bright

long dark mane in sunlight

so for now I bid goodnight...Simjah Nahngo!)


	Through My Eyes Saturday December 3 (We continue to listen to the Dalai Lama as he continues telling of the cruel response of the Chinese government.) " Changing their tactics, the Chinese security forces remained on the sidelines throughout the first day, merely filming scenes which they showed on television that night. Then, on the following days, they reacted with repeated baton charges and indiscriminate shooting. Witnesses reported seeing them firing automatic weapons into Tibetan homes killing whole families. Unfortunately, Tibetans reacted to this not only by attacking the police and security forces, but also, in a few instances, innocent Chinese civilians. This made me very sad. It makes no sense whatever for Tibetans to resort to violence. If they wanted to, with a thousand million people against our six million, China could forcefully erase the entire Tibetan race from the face of the earth. It would be much more constructive if people tried to understand their supposed enemies. Learning to forgive is much more useful than merely picking up a stone and throwing it at the object of one's anger, the more so when the provocation is extreme. For it is under the greatest adversity that there exists the greatest potential for doing good,both for oneself and others. Yet in truth, I realise that for most people such words are unrealistic. It is too much to ask. It is not right for me to expect Tibetans, who live their daily lives under such terrible hardship, to be able to love the Chinese. So whilst I will never condone it, I accept that some violence is inevitable. Actually, I greatly admire and respect the courage of my people. Many of those who joined in the demonstration were women, children and old people: hundreds of men were arrested on the first evening, so it was mostly their families who continued to express their feelings so vividly on the second and third days. Many of them are now probably dead. Even more are still in prison, being tortured and beaten on a daily basis. Thanks to the presence of a few brave foreigners, some of whom experienced personal harassment, reports of this latest outrage were quickly transmitted to the outside world. As before, there was overwhelming support for the Tibetan people: the United States, France and the European Parliament condemned China's reprisals, which caused the deaths of at least two hundred and fifty unarmed Tibetans, not to mention the wounding of countless others. Many other Governments expressed their 'grave concern', and the subsequent imposition of martial law on 8 march drew widespread criticism. The idea of China imposing marital law in Lhasa was terrifying, for, in reality, the city had been under military rule ever since 26 October 1951, when the first PLA troops arrived. It looked as if the Chinese must be about to turn the place into a slaughter house, a Himalayan killing fields. Two days later, on the thirtieth anniversary of the Tibetan People's Uprising, I therefore sent an appeal to Deng Xiaoping, asking that he personally to lift martial law and end the repression of innocent Tibetans. He did not reply. Within only a few weeks of the protests in Lhasa came the uprising in China. I followed events there with a mixture of disbelief and horror, becoming especially anxious when some of the demonstrators began a hunger strike. The students were obviously so bright, so sincere, so innocent, with their whole lives to live. Against them they had a Government that remained totally stubborn and cruel and indifferent. At the same time, I could not help feeling a certain admiration for the Chinese leadership, those decrepit, foolish, old men who clung so fiercely and determinedly to their ideas. In spite of clear evidence that their system was breaking down and that Communism was failing throughout the world, and in spite of a million protestors outside their front door, they held to their faith. Naturally, I was appalled when the military was finally deployed to break up the demonstration. But considered politically, I feel it denoted no more than a temporary setback for the democracy movement. By resorting to violence, the authorities can only have helped develop a favourable attitude towards the students amongst ordinary Chinese people. In so doing, they shortened by half to two-thirds the life of Communism in China. Also, they showed the world the truth about their methods: scepticism of Tibetans' claims about Chinese human rights' abuse is no longer possible. On a personal level, I feel somewhat sorry for Deng Xiaopeng. His name is now irreparably damaged, whereas without the massacre in 1989 he would have gone down in history as a great leader of his country. I also feel sympathy for his co-leaders who, in their ignorance,destroyed China's reputation abroad after a decade of assiduous image-building. It seems that, although they failed to propagandise the people, they succeeded only too well with themselves." ( The misuse of power always diminishes those who misuse it. I promise to add more tomorrow...) ( please click here to read of the day with me ) This is from the book Freedom in Exile The Autobiography of the Dalai Lama by Tenzin Gyatso, the fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet. ( Please see my spinning for you!) ( Tahshi Deleh gentle one! Kehrahng kusu debo yinpeh? I began the day in our studio spinning for you then headed up gang rinpoche ngah tso gi to check the trees and native plants. After that I rested by your Medlar tree as usual then wandered about taking pictures before heading to our sacred place for awhile. Then I returned to our studio to work for awhile with some more graphics for a Windhorse Project. After that I worked on our a land of Tibet. You'll notice the usual changes on the pages. Two as one we've fixed a few more mistakes.I'm going to put the pages up on our infosite; I'll put this up for now so we can rest. And so, as always we'll continue two as one on to tomorrow my one gentle beautiful patient swift dream bright long dark mane in sunlight so for now I bid goodnight...Simjah Nahngo!)